
The gentry liberalism that has triumphed in the Obama era differs radically from its New Deal forbearers.... [T]he New Deal was forged by a New York that was at the time a leader in economic growth, infrastructure development and social democracy. In the 1920s and 1930s, small entrepreneurs and skilled craftsmen, office workers and the unskilled flocked to New York. Today those same populations are deserting the Obama bastions in huge numbers for places, notably Texas, that embrace a very different political philosophy.
Unlike the urban-centered Obama, Roosevelt also focused heavily on the nation’s less developed regions. Indeed, the Hudson Valley gentleman farmer had among his stated goals “to make the country in every way as desirable as city life…” The New Deal great hydro-electric plants, for example, literally brought light to large areas that had barely emerged from semi-feudalism, particularly in the South.... Roosevelt’s policies expanded the Democratic Party’s sway from cities to many rural areas.... [S]ometimes bipartisan enthusiasm sparked a surplus of unwise credits to boost homeownership, but at least the party embraced the lifestyle aspirations of Americans, as opposed to seeking to transform them to an urbanist model.
These approaches must be changed if the Administration and their allies want to create the basis for, as they often claim, a long-term progressive era. Here again the New Deal model could be helpful.... To be effective, and worth it to the public, a new WPA should concentrate on such things as the expansion of ports, roads, electrical transmission lines and other critical elements needed to revive American industry.
Joel Kotkin's article is interesting. By gentry liberals he means urbanites. If I am reading him correctly, he cites New York's infrastructure development in the past as a good thing, but then argues against high-speed rail investment, noting
[t]he Administration’s...dogged emphasis on expensive programs like high-speed rail [that] reveal a cultural mindset that rejects the fundamental aspirations of a vast majority of Americans to own their homes in low-density neighborhoods.
However, I have always thought of high-speed rail as infrastructure accommodating low-density neighborhoods! Kotkin keenly observes that the US, like Britain, is beset with core cities "surrounded by a large underclass and a fading middle class;" but, the those core cities have golden inner cores (e.g., Central London, Manhattan, parts of Brooklyn, etc.) with great amenities and heavy cost of living, and to which travel, every workday, very far-flung workers who are economically quite far beneath the economic top 2% (i.e., make less than c. $225,000). They suffer through very long commutes to work.
Consider that workers in New York City now have the longest average commute time in the nation--worse than those in LA or Atlanta. But, at least mass transit--the NYC subways, the Long Island Rail Road, MetroNorth, and Amtrak--though not high-speed, is nonetheless infrastructure that benefits those commuters from low-density neighborhoods, giving them opportunities to get some work done on the train or even nap (presuming the commuter gets a seat!), and providing savings for the commuter on fuel expenses and automobile wear and tear--not to mention the fact that mass transit is far less negatively impactful on the environment than masses of commuters driving alone to work.
It may be that Kotkin sees only those in rural areas as being the "large underclass and...fading middle class" population of which he writes. But, I think of the "large underclass and...fading middle class" population as also being those in suburban areas.
It seems Kotkin just thinks those suburbanites are too tied to city-oriented (urbanist) economic sectors (e.g., financial services and service-related tech) that have already benefited from taxpayer largess, and thus are not deserving of further largess in the form of government-backed high-speed rail, even though high-speed rail is infrastructure, and infrastructure investment is what he's arguing for. If so, then, yes, I largely agree.
He continues (my emphases):
Most future growth would come from the private sector, but one has to ask what kind of industries should be fostered.... Perhaps policies should be redirected instead towards bolstering those “basic industries” – notably agriculture, energy and manufacturing – that since the beginning of the Administration have received, at best, mixed signals.
As Intel co-founder Andy Grove has noted, we cannot rebuild our job base just with sexy start-ups; we need to also “scale up” our emerging companies, the very thing that made Silicon Valley and its counterparts across the country such prodigious opportunity regions in the past.
Kitkon notes other sectors that more than urban ones deserve infrastructure-related investment:
[O]il and natural gas industries need, with improved regulation, to expand at a time of growing global demand and rising prices. Farmers, notably in the West, have been greeted with pronouncements...about the end of dam-building, a critical source of water, at a time of generally rising demand and prices.
Manufacturers, particularly smaller ones, have been hard-pressed by regulatory reform when their competitors elsewhere are dialing into the developing country market.
(Images: first, via NewGeography and by Tony the Misfit: a photo of a detail of Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial in Washington D.C.; second: map via The Wall Street Journal online; click either to enlarge.)
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